Only Americans with short memories were surprised by the new accusations of the FBI’s ongoing cover-up of the Oklahoma City bombing, as charged by Utah attorney Jesse Trentadue. It actually has been going on since about 2 p.m. on April 19, 1995—following five hours of honest reporting by news people on the scene.
The remarkable change in the official story and the twisting of the facts made it plain that the federal government and the controlled news media had collaborated to deceive us. The initial reports that we have maintained on videotape for the past 14 years reveal an altogether different story than what’s in the history books.
Immediately, the tragedy was thought to be (and reported as) a gas explosion from inside the building as evidenced by the immense amount of rubble blown out into the street and beyond. A worker from the newspaper office across the street later told us of the children’s toys from the Murrah nursery being blown through his windows. However, it took only a few minutes to cast aside the accident theory and realize that a bomb had exploded inside.
Next it was announced that this was not only some kind of terrorist attack but that an unexploded bomb was discovered in the rubble and was being removed by the Oklahoma County bomb squad. Soon there was another.
“The first bomb did go off,” says the OKC reporter. “The second and third explosives, if you can imagine this, were larger than the first. It is just incredible to think that there was that much heavy artillery that was somehow moved into the downtown federal building.”
Indeed it was, but such truth would lead to demands for an investigation that might reveal way too much information (just as the independent investigations later did) and had to be quashed.
These reports, of course, came before the federal government and a compliant national media could combine to massage the data, change the number of explosions to one, change its position to out in the street and change the bomb’s components to non-existent ammonium nitrate fuel oil (ANFO).
Gov. Frank Keating, a former FBI agent and high-ranking BATF official before his 1994 election to the state’s highest office, went on TV to say, “Obviously, whatever did the damage to the Murrah Building was a tremendous, a very sophisticated explosive device.”
“It had to have been done by an explosives expert,” said government officials.
During these news reports in the first few hours, we also saw hundreds of people fleeing down the street away from the Murrah Building when the FBI had announced the necessity of clearing the area because of the danger of the second and third devices being accidentally detonated during removal. Actually, it was a ploy to remove file cabinets and surveillance tapes with fewer witnesses.
By 2 o’clock, newsmen were singing a different tune, because Mayor Ron Norick had just told them that it was “a car bomb loaded with 1,200 pounds of ANFO, and we have confirmed that with the BATF.”
The reported 1,200 pounds would then begin to increase to 2,000, 3,000 and finally 4,800 pounds, by the next day—the amount necessary to meet the area’s damage.
However, this also required that the transporting vehicle be expanded to a “truck” because a car could not have handled the required load.
It was a total fabrication, as future tests and examinations showed no evidence whatsoever of any ANFO in the blast area. ANFO has two distinguishing characteristics following its detonation: lingering nitrate gas and flames.
Neither was present at the Murrah Building following the blasts. The only visible flames were the gasoline fires from the cars in the parking lot, and rescue workers were on the scene immediately without gas masks.
Before the case was three days old, the FBI didn’t want to hear any information that did not pertain to their two designated patsies: Tim McVeigh and Terry Nichols.
County K-9 Deputy Don Browning was on the scene in the early minutes and was soon subjected to intentional disinformation, as later admitted to him by an FBI agent. He was told that “the Middle Easterners seen beating a hasty retreat from the scene in two cars and a yellow pickup truck” was a story made up to “confuse the news media.”
“Problem was, it confused the rest of law enforcement, too,” says Browning. He had also witnessed the FBI agents removing the surveillance cameras and tapes from their mounts. These were the tapes that the FBI denied even existed for more than 14 years before finally surrendering them last month, but only with doctored results.
“I got angry all over again last week,” Browning told AFP, “when they quit lying about the existence of those tapes and produced them.”
Oklahoma rancher Hoppy Heidelberg was on the federal grand jury and saw first-hand the railroading of the two patsies. When he complained and tried to investigate, as a grand juror should, he was kicked out and sent home by Judge David Russell. He was later delivered a surreptitious message telling him that “if I didn’t sue, they would let me live.”
An Oklahoma City police sergeant wasn’t so lucky. He was murdered the following year because he would not relent in his pursuit for truth. Stabbed 13 times and shot through the head, Terry Yeakey’s death in a rural cow pasture was ruled a suicide.
When Yeakey’s body was discovered, 40 uniformed officers combed the area for an hour in a search for the gun, without success. However, when FBI Special Agent in Charge Bob Ricks arrived by helicopter, it took him less than five minutes to “discover” a revolver in the grass near the body.
The official OKC bombing story has never been anything but a cover-up, and the FBI has been the chief architect of the cover-up from the beginning.
SOurce: American Free Press
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